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Tuesday, 13 November 2012

Durkhein and Weber Insights about Religion Beliefs

Specialization inures to the beneficial agency of the body as a whole organism--hence Durkheim's use of the verge organic solidarity to refer to a parliamentary law in which the component part of labor contributes to organized kindly function (84-5). Mechanical solidarity, the some other side of the same collective- subject coin, refers to the social cohesion that occurs because individual(a)s affiliate with and view on the organizing principle of the " commonaltys type" (61; 84), or individuals who defend "social similarities." What Durkheim calls "repressive law" reinforces windup(prenominal) solidarity by big(p) criminals, whose behavior deviates from or otherwise weakens or disrupts the social viscidity checkd by the common type.

It should be noted that Durkheim does not needfully endorse social solidarity as a verificatory moral good, still less as an ideal type (to use Weber's term) of social structure. Rather, he seems to be devising a way of explaining the impulse toward and consequences of social organization. Thus he observes that where mechanical solidarity is "highly developed," individuals do not "belong to" themselves but argon "literally a thing at the disposal of society" (85). On the other hand, individual personalities can develop what he refers to as "intensity" (118ff, et passim) that is distinct from common soul. Such personalities m


Indeed, Durkheim sees the emergence of the individual as the tendency of veneration as the heir of communal religious consciousness per se. His analysis of this point is both complex and decisive. First he makes the point that society has adopted as a common value the value of the individual, who holds a place in common consciousness that devotion once held. This is the "worship of the dignity of the gay person" (122). That worship can be secernd as a commonly held belief, but by Durkheim's logic such consciousness is not specifically social in pillow slip: "Thus it does not constitute a truly social link" (122). Rather the emphasis is on individuality, not on common consciousness. It follows that collective consciousness that was earlier described as defining social organization is far from solitary in nature.
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Instead, the collective consciousness, or "social links resulting from similarity are growing progressively weaker" (122).

Weber does not see religion as undifferentiated throughout history. While not necessarily endorsing one religion over another, he distinguishes between to a greater extent primitive and more organized, or rationalized, religions. For example, he sees Roman universality in the West and Confucianism in the East as "the dickens greatest powers of religious rationalism in history" (160). Although at that place is evidence of ecstatic and mystical elements in Catholicism, it is noteworthy primarily for its ecclesiastical structure and agency in mediating religious experience for its adherents. In the more rationalized religions, there is evidence of "the conscious self-command of lasting, integrated foundation for the conduct of life" (161), which points toward eternal redemption but which is grounded in the regulation of living human experience, whether tack together as belief or behavior. Weber uses the term "methodologies of sanctification" to describe doctrine and ritual that are meant to produce "in the individual the most completely alert, voluntary, and anti-instinctu
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