Since World War II, the third-party candidacies of George Wallace (1968) and John Anderson (1980) had rough impact, but the 19 percent of the national vote hive away by Ross Perot in 1992 was the first that may have bear upon the election's outcome. More Republicans than Democrats defected to Perot's Reform party and this may have allowed turn on Clinton to capture the election from the incumbent, President Bush. Yet the biggest problem for both third-party candidate is that the party system is so important that in polls 61 percent of voters "feel that a president who was neither a Republican nor Democrat would have 'serious problems' dealing with Congress."
It is also, as Crabtree notes, very significant that "a candidate such as Ross Perot found it necessary to create a political party to support his independent candidacy." This is a strong attribute of the broader importance of parties.
The best cognize of the changes in party affiliation has been the shift of the solidly republican South into the Republican party. southerly voters, who were once known as "yellow-dog Democrats, so loyal to their party that they would rather vote for a yellow dog than a Republican" have left(a) for the Republican party in great numbers." The change, which began with the civil-rights revolution, meant that while in the 1930s Roosevelt could win an amazing 85 percent of the Southern white "populist" vote, in 1960 Kennedy won half, by 1968 Hubert Humphrey "held only about a third" of that vote, and in the 1990s Clinton and Gore, deuce white Southern Baptists, could not carry any part of the South for the Democrats.
In the urban North social issues (such as abortion) began to drive Northern urban ethnic populations away from the Democratic Party. 1960, when these voters went nearly three to one for Kennedy was the last time more than half of them voted for the Democratic presidential candidate. The third important change that affected party alignment was suburbanization, in 1994 the suburban populations of the States cast the majority of the vote for the first time in history and this change has "ensured that Republicans today can, for example, carry Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and California without acquiring a single vote in Cleveland, Detroit, Pittsburgh, or San Francisco."
Reddy, Patrick. " electioneering by the Numbers: Political Demographics Mean Trouble for Democrats, plainly Don't Necessarily Add Up To Republican Victories." National Review, 12 August 1996, 45-48.
Aside from their important roles in the management of authorities at every level, the fact that grassroots party organizations liberate new voters, get voters out to the polls, and involve volunteers means that the parties are "good for democracy in the broadest sense." Such active workers depart feel that they are more directly involved in the democratic process--and may convey this feeling to some
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